In his book, Pablo Escobar, what my father never told me, Juan Pablo Escobar transcribed an interview he did with Quijada (the boss’s treasurer in the United States). Part of it reads as follows:
“The business became so big in the early eighties that El Patron bought twelve houses in different sectors of Miami, three more in New York and two in Los Angeles, and he had them all build underground hideouts with an elevator. Likewise, it came to have a payroll of 35 employees, some of them Uruguayans, Brazilians, Mexicans, Colombians and the occasional American. And to get around those cities collecting money, about 50 cars were bought to avoid being recognized. In addition, they all communicated in code through paging messages and public telephones.”
On the other hand, several drug trafficking experts, including Juan Pablo Escobar himself, mention the profits that Escobar generated in the early 1980s. For example, El tren, a direct drug trafficking route between Medellín and Miami, reported profits of around 768 million dollars for the cartel. Eye, we are talking about only one of the routes. If we analyze the total amount of cocaine trafficked, surely the amount would rise to several billion dollars.
Therefore, it should not surprise us that Fidel Castro has set his sights on this enormous source of dollars. In fact, history shows that it was Pablo Escobar and Roberto Suarez Gómez who introduced the Cuban dictator to the parrot business.
In this regard, Juan Reinaldo Sánchez, Fidel Castro’s bodyguard for 17 years, in his book, The Hidden Life of Fidel Castro, described the dictator’s relations with drug lords. The agreements included the use of Cuban military bases to ship drugs to Florida. In addition, training for subversive elements – Evo Morales, Gustavo Petro and the FARC, among them – in terrorism and urban guerrilla warfare. These groups would have the mission of overthrowing democratic governments, and establishing narco-states.
Sadly, in 2003 in Bolivia —with the dollars of Hugo Chávez, the terrorist logistics of Sendero Luminoso and the vile betrayal of the opportunist Carlos Mesa— they achieved one of their first “victories”.
The government of Carlos Mesa was only a transitory process for Evo Morales to take the presidency in 2005. Since his arrival in power, the coca grower leader proclaimed the “nationalization” of the fight against drugs and the sacralization of coca chewing . Despite the bombastic names, both actions are nothing more than simple euphemisms to expand the coca frontier. In addition, allow the cartels to move freely within Bolivian territory.
Currently, Bolivia ranks third in the world in the cultivation of coca, the base ingredient for the production of cocaine. Its extensive border with Brazil contains vast swaths of remote and poorly protected territory. Which makes it an ideal place for drug traffickers’ operations. The country is also the main source of trafficking and sale of cocaine for the PCC ―one of the most dangerous cartels in the world―, as revealed by the InSight Crime group.
Additionally, the demonization of the DEA of the United States is another of the drug trafficking strategies to operate with impunity. The DEA was expelled from Venezuela with Chávez and Maduro, from Bolivia with Morales, from Ecuador with Correa, and accused by all the panegyrists of 21st century socialism as an instrument of gringo “imperialism”.
Bolivia has been a drug producing and exporting country for several years now. The cartels blatantly flaunt their influence in high political, military, and police circles. Shootings in broad daylight in various cities are no longer surprising, they have even become everyday. The Chapare is a kind of narco-publiqueta where the big shots lay down the law.
However, all this institutional deterioration is something that the vast majority of opponents are not interested in. For them, the most important thing is the race for positions and the public budget. That is the only reason for his sleeplessness. They are accomplices of the tyrants of 21st Century Socialism.
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