By: Luis Gonzales Posada - 21/04/2025
Lula da Silva has projected his mafia influence by granting safe passage to Mrs. Nadin Heredia de Humala, violating guiding principles established in international law and, more specifically, in the 1954 Caracas Convention on Political Asylum.
The Treaty specifies that, while it is within the discretion of any State to grant this benefit, Article 3 is limiting because it determines that "It is not lawful to grant asylum to persons who, at the time of requesting it, are indicted or prosecuted before competent ordinary courts for common crimes and by said courts without having served the respective sentences."
Lula, of course, turned his sharp chainsaw on the aforementioned third article and granted asylum to Mrs. Humala, sentenced to 15 years in prison for money laundering, for receiving illicit funds from the Venezuelan government of Hugo Chávez and the Brazilian construction company Odebrecht.
What could Peru do? It only had to hand over the safe-conduct permit, as established by Article 36 of our Constitution, which states that "The State recognizes political asylum. It accepts the status of the asylum seeker granted by the granting government..."
But it could also have issued a firm statement questioning the Brazilian decision for violating express provisions of the aforementioned 1954 Convention.
Don't be silent. Don't take refuge in diplomatic silence, because doing so undermines the principles and values of our foreign policy. It confuses and generates legitimate protests from academics, analysts, politicians, and citizens.
Nor is it incompatible with its jurisdictional functions for the Judiciary to rule on this issue, because they have been thwarted in a case with a first-instance ruling, a process that has lasted several years, with the presentation of 220 witnesses, 15 experts, and 1,196 documents.
In his own country, the criticism of Lula has been broad, harsh, and categorical.
Sergio Moro, a senator and former magistrate in the Lava Jato case, stated that this decision "reflects the moral standards of Lula's government." Other figures described the incident as "a national disgrace," and Congressman Carlo Jordy stated that Lula "protects his allies from crime."
For his part, Iván Slocovich, director of the Correo del Perú newspaper, rightly stated that Lula "is the patriarch of that criminal organization dedicated to bribing authorities and politicians through construction companies as a way to win rigged bids and, in the process, expand 21st-century socialism in the region."
For its part, a note from the newspaper "O Estado de São Paulo" rejects the asylum granted and concludes that "after exporting corruption, Brazil now also exports impunity" and further notes that "the corrupt throughout Latin America now know where to seek refuge from justice in their countries, not precisely because they are innocent or politically persecuted: it is enough to be friends of Lula."
It is important to note that the leftist sectors of the hemisphere constitute a brotherhood that protects one another. For example, the governments of Cuba, Nicaragua, Bolivia, Honduras, and Mexico have not said a word about the atrocities committed by Venezuelan dictator Nicolás Maduro, who is responsible for the murder, torture, and imprisonment of thousands of human beings, as well as the migration of 8 million people, according to evidence from the OAS, the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, the European Community, and the International Criminal Court, which has classified these crimes as "crimes against humanity."
The OAS American Convention against Corruption and the UN Convention on the same subject, signed in Palermo, have been left as if nothing had happened, and we don't believe those who signed these documents would dare to comment on the subject that motivates this article.
Thus, a new chapter of collusion with crimes and the resulting impunity of those responsible and accomplices is closed.
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