‘Castrochavismo’ in Peru: plurinational state, nationalizations and narco-state

Carlos Sánchez Berzaín

In three months in office, President of Peru Pedro Castillo has made very clear he belongs and depends on the 21st century socialism, also known as Castro-Chavism. He also has made very clear his decision to repeat the plan -already applied in Bolivia- to destroy the “Peruvian Nation” and supplant it by a “Plurinational state”; to carry out expropriations starting with the “nationalization of the Camisea” gas field; and institutionalize a “narco-state” by stimulating coca leaf crops and production of cocaine.

Instability, uncertainty, insecurity and confusion seem insufficient features to describe Pedro Castillo’s first three months as President of Peru. Nonetheless, they serve to demonstrate with absolute clarity that the country is in the hands of the same transnational group that holds power in Cuba, Venezuela, Bolivia and Nicaragua.

The public intervention of ‘Castro-Chavism’ in Peru’s affairs is open, with Evo Morales and the operators of the Sao Paolo Forum, even before the country’s electoral process. And even though this intervention has been discreet, it hasn’t been a secret from the embassies of Cuba and Venezuela.
Full proof that Peru is in the hands of Castro-Chavism is given by the most evident of policies executed by Castillo: his foreign policy. He has not only expressed fully support to the dictatorships of 21st century socialism, but also has integrated Peru to the group of countries that, alongside Mexico under López Obrador and Argentina under Fernández-Kirchner, support regimes that violate human rights, cover up the existence of prisoners, torture opposition activists, increase political exiles and exert State terrorism to hold power.

The Castro-Chavista technique, used in the first stage of those types of government, is to divide the opposition and national and international public opinion in two groups: those who trust the government and those who don’t. A key ingredient is to make people believe that the government is not a threat, that it will be “controllable” until its mandate expires, and that it can be educated and even helped to behave in a democratic fashion.

Castillo’s questionable cabinet, with the crisis and resignations that has made it unstable, must be seen as a test of public opinion and a Parliament controlled by a fractional opposition. For Castillo it is about provoking and paralyzing the Legislature, or see to what extent he as president can use constitutional powers to dissolve Congress, thus avoiding a congressional majority stripping him of power by declaring presidential vacancy.

The Castro-Chavism plan for Peru is confessed and very clear goal: it is about installing in Peru the same political model imposed in Bolivia. Castillo has expressed it without a doubt when proposed a Constituent Assembly to change the Constitution to establish a ‘plurinational’ state, announcing confiscations and expropriations of industries such as gas, with the announcement of the “nationalization of Camisea”. He also is opened to allow illegal coca crops that are the basis for the increase in cocaine production Peru is starting to experience.

The installation of a plurinational state seeks the “destruction of the Peruvian nation” to replace it with numerous nationalities that would inevitably promote division, confrontation and political manipulation. This model has been successfully implemented in Cuba. Bolivia and Venezuela, within the framework of the strategy of multiplication of the axes of confrontation. In the Peruvian case, as in the Bolivian one, the so-called indigenism is used to divide society.

What they call nationalizations are confiscations or expropriations instead, so the government can control profitable industries like, as in the case of Peru, gas, but eventually mining and fishing. The result of this model has always been the liquidation of private industries and more dependency and poverty for the people. That’s how the Cuban dictatorship ended the sugar industry for good; the Venezuelan dictatorship destroyed the oil industry; and the Bolivian dictatorship has wrecked gas exploitation.

The regimes of 21st century socialism are builders of narco-states because they use political and government power to favor, protect and in any way participate in drug trafficking. Fidel Castro did so with Colombian capo Pablo Escobar and Bolivian drug lord Roberto Suarez as partners, as has been well documented. And to cover up their crimes, Castro ordered the execution of General Ochoa, a privileged witness of those dealings.

Today Venezuela is the hub of drug trafficking that articulates cocaine production in Bolivia and Colombia, with the help of Colombian narco-terrorist groups FARC and ELN. Bolivia, since coca grower Evo Morales came to power, has legalized coca crops destined for cocaine production, has expelled the DEA and increased drug production for years.

Peru is the second largest producer of coca in the world, after Colombia. Bolivia comes in third. With the “legalization of illegal crops in the coca-producing basins” already proposed, Peru could be the first one. And if they decide to follow the model of “sovereign fight against drug trafficking” imposed in Bolivia, it will soon be another narco-state.

* Lawyer and Political Scientist. Director of the Interamerican Institute for Democracy

Published in Infobae.com Sunday October 31st, 2021.

“The opinions published herein are the sole responsibility of its author”.